National Identity Crisis!!!

National Identity Crisis in the Third World

Particularly in Nepal

Causes and effects on Governance and Development

Paruj Acharya

Professor: Dr. Deb White

Sociology Senior Seminar

Minnesota State University, Moorhead (MSUM)

May 10^th, 2010

National Identity Crisis

Abstract

Third world countries in general lack inclusive and representative governments. Usually having displaced an older establishment of monarchy, colonialism or some other form of exploiting regime, these countries remain wary of governments that follow. Multi-party politics target and recruit from specific groups of an already divided population. The existing divide deepens as each party emphasizes their own respective interests while neglecting to acknowledge National Interests. So instead, people search for identities based on socio-economic class, ethnicity, religion, demography, being the historical oppressor or the historically oppressed, etc., but not on a collective national one. Democracy produces desirable outcomes only after certain criteria are met: A united population that has transcended petty differences, has acquired national identity specifying common interests and is properly represented in a government that is considered legitimate and reliable where people are willing to accept and implement policies once they are passed even if they disagree with its contents, for the sake of National Interests. These precursors help to prevent infestation from political parties that are driven by self-interest by relying on the people’s solidarity. Similarly, the danger of cyclical stalemates that has potential to emerge among rival parties is thwarted through legitimizing government decisions as final, and enforcing it by the people’s National Interests. Lastly, when people feel well represented by their governments, political participation separate from narrow party affiliations increases. In other words, the government can truly be “for the people, by the people”, and not just status, power-and certainly not inherited rights for those who hold on to the demented idea of entitlement because it runs in their blood. On the other hand, Democracy without fundamental conditions that make it ‘work’ is just another word for Anarchy. On it’s own it acts as a catalyst for reinforced division, which ultimately begets conflict, bloody conflict. Thus the need for political stability precedes democracy. The objective of this paper is not to devalue “democracy” but rather to figure out favorable conditions within which it flourishes. This will be a literature review on scholarly articles related to Urbanization, trends of migration that create revolutionary groups, under-representation in the government and social instability that lead to the loss of National Identity.. Each concept discussed will then be infused with factual information from Nepal, which pertains to the concept. This is a very important issue because even many years after democratization, many third world countries often find themselves in worse conditions than they started with.

One of the major problems affecting development in Third World countries apart from the failure of governments to adapt to rapid changes occurring in society is the lack of unity among its people. The dual processes of modernization and urbanization are important factors that accompany countries transitioning from an authoritarian to a democratic form of government. This is marked by a major influx of people from villages into the cities. The switch from relatively traditional and self-sufficient village life to that of life in the interdependent networks of a city brings about many changes in peoples perceptions, priorities and immediate realities. Easier access to education and media creates greater awareness, proximity to people hailing from different socio-economic classes unveil inequalities and when these two are combined the question of “Why them, and not me?” inevitably arises.

Democracy presumes that the government is already well established and that the people see it as a legitimate body of authority. Furthermore, it presumes that the people are in unison to what they expect from the government. However, that is not the case in most Third World countries. Usually, the people are divided amongst themselves in their ideologies, priorities, ethnicities, religions and so forth. They do not accept a central body of government as their common representative. In most cases, these countries have recently overthrown a subjugating government, colonial power or monarchy. The people at large remain distrustful and resentful of any sort power that comes in to take their place. In a democracy people are encouraged to disagree with one another, to fight for their views no matter how minor or major they might be. But in order for democracy to work, people are required to have had their petty differences already resolved and to be focused on the larger workings of the government and nation. That is not the case in Third World countries. In the name of democracy, people become more intolerant of each other, and contrary to its purpose, premature democracy fuels further division. A direct result of this is the alienation of a large number of individuals. In the absence of a government that the people take to be legitimate, that is capable of representing all their voices and mediating their differences, people will start to settle things in their ways, which usually tends to be violent and recurring.

Theory

Symbolic Interactionism and changing identities

A very important factor that should be considered while studying the effectiveness of a government is its ability to accept and adapt to the changing identities of it’s people. The symbolic internationalist perspective serves as a crucial tool by which we can understand people and their continuously changing identities. Charon (2010) says that when people are put into social situations they communicate, interpret and adjust according to the others around them and thus construct their identities accordingly. However, these adjustments are specific to space and time. In other words, our identities, the way we interpret and communicate things are contextual to where we are and at what time. Thus, identities are more fluid like in nature rather than fixed, and are subject to change with time, environment and circumstance. Similarly, this perspective can explain the changing realities of people moving from villages into cities. The immediate realities of village life such as self-sufficiency (farming), relying on traditional bodies of authority (elders/priests), and strong social and family ties are responsible for shaping people’s identities, interpretations and priorities while they lived in their villages. After moving to the city however, they are required to adjust their identities, interpretations and priorities according to the immediate realities of city life instead. Self-sufficiency is replaced by consumer interdependence, traditional bodies of authority that could have been anything from elders, chiefs to oracles by a centralized government, and similarly their traditional social ties based on familiarity are replaced by hierarchical non-personal relationships within the work place or society in general. This creates a new class of people whose identities; perspectives and realities are different from those who have lived their whole lives in either the villages or the cities. The sheer number of these people is so high that the failure to represent them in a government and successfully address their needs would be catastrophic to the efficient functioning of the state and would impede development. While in the past identities have been limited to individuals, growing issues of national movements has created a need for more in depth studies of collective identities. (Cerulo, 1997).

Urbanization and Conflict

Massive migration into cities works towards creating a heterogeneous society with people hailing from different ethnic, religious and socio-economic groups. People take advantage of better education systems in the cities and become aware of their position in the social hierarchy. They begin to question their respective standings in society and in the work force. They become aware of the inequalities and strive for reform. However, this is contrary to the interests of people who are at a higher step in the socio-economic ladder and hold more power. Therefore, a class struggle erupts where the marginalized struggle for equality and the better off try to maintain the status quo. Huntington (1993) points out that urbanization along with education, exposure to mass media and consumer products creates a more politically aware and mobilized society that make bigger demands on the government. However, because the political structures in Third World countries are usually still in their infancy, they are less efficient and less effective while dealing with and addressing the tidal wave of demands being made by a very divided populace. They usually fail to address a majority of demands and resolve a majority of differences. When disputes cannot be settled peacefully through government mediation, people tend to take things into their own hands. More often than not, their resolve tactics turn violent and act as further discordant forces among the people. Thus, most political and social planning and discourse are brought to a halt and all resources and energy are directed towards thwarting the threat of civil unrest. The creation of a National Identity that is crucial for development fails, and further division among the population occurs.

Modernization Theory vs. Traditional values

For a considerable amount of time it was thought that the best model for third world development would be the same model through which western industrialized countries developed. Handelman (2009) says that modernization theorists insisted that Third World countries adapt similar methods of political and economic modernization to that of the Western Industrialized countries. The first step towards development was considered to be the acquirement of modern cultural values in place of the traditional, which was then followed by the creation of political and social institutions based on these modern values. He goes on to argue that at its worse, this approach claimed that the political and economic practices based on traditional values were inferior compared to those based on the modern values. Indirectly this implied that the Third World was inferior to the Industrialized countries and should therefore leave their old ways and become like the West. Many Third World intellectuals resisted this model. Handelman (2009) quotes Kalman H. Silvert a prominent Latin American Scholar from the United States on the question of implied Third world inferiority:

“There is something in the quality of Latin American… culture which has made it difficult… to be truly modern… which has made this part of the Western world so prone to excesses of scoundrels, so politically irrational in seeking economic growth, and so ready to reach for gimmicks.”

The underlying question then, is how is it that traditional values become modern? Is it even possible to replace one for the other? It was argued that Urbanization would create education and thus make the population discard its traditional values and embrace the modern; however that is not the case. Although their values may become more modern, they still grow from traditional roots. The Japanese, for example claim that their Shinto religion works towards reinforcing them to work harder in their businesses but at the same time strive for the betterment of everyone. No one can argue that the Japanese aren’t modern. However, their modernity is established on traditional ecumenical values that make it more desirable for them.

Because of its ethnocentric inclination Third World intellectuals are divided on whether to use such a model and are doubtful if it would work at all. In response to the shortcomings of the “modernization” theory the conflict theory gained prominence. The shifting loyalties from the old to the new that occur during the process of modernization create alienation and anomie. Samuel Huntington (1996) argues that the old values get undermined before “new skills, motivations, and resources can be brought into existence to create new groupings” He goes on to say that Marx focused on only one aspect of modernization, Industrialization, when he established that Industrialization creates class-consciousness, first among the bourgeoisie and then within the proletariat. However, Huntington argues that modernization n the other hand not only creates class-consciousness but all sorts of new group consciousness, whether it is “tribe, clan, religion, and caste, as well as in class, occupation, and association.” Thus modernization works towards creating more divisions among the different groups that exist in society. So groups will fight amongst themselves for resources, representation and interests rather than work towards reconciling differences and pursue national interests. Huntington suggests that before we set out to achieve democracy or modernization, political stability is necessary, even if it means establishing an authoritarian government temporarily. He argues that without stability, the peoples differences would snowball into an irreconcilable conflict that would hamper any steps taken towards development.

Social Mobilization and Instability

According to Samuel Huntington (1996) Social mobility increases with awareness, education and media exposure. All of these factors help enhance the aspirations and expectations of the people. When these aspirations or expectations are not met, the people are mobilized into politics asserting their demands. Strong, responsive and adaptable political institutions are required in order to meet the demands of the public. Generally, such established institutions are lacking in Third World countries. As a result, the numerous groups in society that have recently gained self awareness quickly become unsatisfied and highly critical of the existing government and work towards overthrowing it and replacing it with their own. Thus, a viscous cycle of different groups trying to come to power arises that is very disruptive to the stability of the country. “The faster the enlightenment of the population, the more frequent the overthrow of the government” (Huntington 1996:47). The problem here lies in the fact that an educated and aware population needs satisfying and well paying jobs. If they remain unemployed they become insurgent and enter into the political arena as de-stabilizing agents questioning the legitimacy and effectiveness of government. In order to solve this problem it is necessary for third world countries to shift their priority from educating their public to creating industries first. In doing so there will be plenty of jobs available for the educated youth, where they can successfully utilize what they have learnt and not enter politics as radical forces.

The National Identity Crisis in Nepal

The territory we now know as Nepal existed as numerous fragmented kingdoms prior to their unification by King Prithivi Narayan Shah in 1769 AD. After the unification, the entire population that could be divided into 4 castes and 36 different ethnicities were brought together not under a “national identity” of being Nepali, but of being Hindu. Indigenous “nature worshippers” as well as non-Hindus were persuaded to convert for protection and title given the Shah conqueror. As a result of accepting the Hindu religion, the caste system also became a legitimate social hierarchy (Levine, 1987). Nepal until recent was a complete feudalistic society and we can still feel its reverberations in aspects of Nepali life (Khadka, 1986). However in the past, subordination and exploitation of the peasantry was legitimized through the caste system as was the privilege and power of the elites. The Rana regime, a highly centralized autocracy displaced the monarch to a mere figure head and imposed itself through a series of hereditary prime ministers. It is a well-known fact that education was completely banned for commoners during this period of time. People however started fleeing the country and getting educated abroad. These alienated groups of educated youth joined forces with the displaced King and were capable of overthrowing the Ranas. (Khadka, 1993)

Nepal right now is going through tremendous turmoil. The forces of Urbanization and Modernization have saturated the cities with hordes of frustrated unemployed but educated youths. Political factions have been dis-uniting the illiterate populations by blaming the “other” for their misery. Old divisions prior to the unification are being made again and all the anger is directed to those who retained privilege throughout history. Let us now examine the relationships between patterns of urbanization, trends in migration, lack of representation in the government and social instability with national identity.

Urbanization and the rural poor becoming radicalized

Although it is obvious that cities play a most dominant role in the global economy as centers of production and consumption, rapid urban growth in third world nations is increasingly reducing the capacity of most cities to provide adequate services for their citizens. According to Cohen (2005), over the next 30 years, virtually all of the world's population growth is expected to be concentrated in urban areas in the developing world. While the trends of urbanization are similar to what happened in the west about a hundred years ago, they seem to never stop in developing countries. This trend has never been seen before in history. (Kasarda, Crenshaw, 1991). Let us first try to shed some light on the particular pattern of urbanization that has taken place in Nepal, the reasons behind it and its affect on National Identity, which has a direct relationship to government stability and hence, development. Nepal is and has been primarily an agriculture-based country. Roberts (1989) suggests that two variables play a crucial role in shaping the kind of urbanization a country goes through. One depends on the ability of the state to centralize and, at the same time, properly administer its outward and regional territories. The other depends on the amount of pressure it receives from its working and middle-class population. For example, regional forces have been predominantly more dominant in most Latin-American countries compared to the regional and tribal populations of South-East Asian countries like Nepal where the central government and the elite are the main powerhouses of the country. Instead of infrastructures and industries being built to support the needs of the rural population, the central governments just go along with the interests of the city elite by usually mimicking whatever more developed neighboring countries such as India or China suggest. Thus, most of the policy choices incorporated by the Nepali government is contrary to the interests of the rural Nepali populations but in the interest of the elite few and foreign countries. This results in the rural populations lacking proper infrastructure and help to efficiently practice their agriculture. In the absence of assistance they are required to work on their fields with inefficient and outdated tools that are not capable to profitable output. This has resulted in rapid and uncontrolled urbanization. However, in the cities there have been very low rates of industrialization. This leads to a great unemployment rate among the former peasants who migrated into the cities. They try to reach the same goals urban dwellers have but usually fail to do so as they have a disadvantage of not having an established community, resources and knowledge to do so. Thus they fail at “Urbanism” (Anderson, 1959) that accompanies urbanization. ” They become increasingly dissatisfied and desperate. They then search for an identity that is separate from the Nation one. They become agitated and most often join radical groups that promote violence. The Young Communist League (YCL) of Nepal, which is a branch of the Maoist party, forces the general public to make donations or support their causes by terrorizing them. Apart from a few high ranking officials of the YCL, most of the members are rural, unemployed youth who are basically just trying to make ends meet.

Changes in Trends of Migration and the creation Revolutionary Groups

An important aspect of modernization is the changing pattern of migration itself. As the scenario of a nation evolves towards urbanization and industrialization, the reasons for migration also change (Kasarda, Crenshaw, 1991). They tend to be associated to a more global goal, something similar to the “American Dream”. Citizens residing in rural parts move into urban areas for better opportunities and so forth. However, people from the cities do not usually migrate to villages for a more primitive life. Instead, they try to migrate to a more developed or industrialized country for better opportunities, education, etc. Tsutsui (2004) suggests that the relative cheapening of transportation and the improvement of communication influences these tendencies. People have a better access to both international and national job opportunities. A few examples of this phenomenon are the huge immigration of Latin American citizens into the United States, and the annual deployment of Nepali troops (better known as the ‘Gurkhas’) into the Britain Army, numerous Nepali citizens going to war torn countries such as Iraq to work for manpower agencies, etc. While its not that the entire skilled populations of developing countries migrate to different countries, a significant number do and their absence can be felt. The lack of good leaders, entrepreneurs and industrialists results in almost nothing being produced within the country itself. Even the simplest necessities have to be imported from other countries. This creates a huge economic strain on the poor, which could be prevented if they had access to cheaper products produced within the country (Hayes, 1975). The poor become increasingly frustrated with the governments indifference towards their plights and turn violent (Joshi and Mason, 2007). This leads to a lot of the educated, middle class people who would have made better contributions to society to move to different countries for the sake of safety and better opportunities. This brain drain not only creates an inefficient labor force, but it also creates a huge political vacuum. Most of the people who enter politics aren’t really people who know the needs and strategies for development. They are just radicals that have gathered support from years of protests and going against the government. Once they come to power they don’t know how to govern, they just know how to fight off those who compete for that power. This just makes things worse. The rebellious and anti-social components of the society tend to flourish when they have an uneducated and politically frustrated mass to brainwash (Shrestha, 1989). It gets easier for them to act against the ruling system. While they might not be able to flourish in the cities initially, they have ample space to grow and strengthen in the abandoned villages. Overwhelming poverty and massive socio-economic inequalities serves as a breeding ground for communism. (Khadka, 1995) This was how the Maoist movement was born in Nepal. This creates a rift in the identities of the people. They are not Nepalis anymore. They are political affiliations instead. They are villagers or city dwellers. And everybody ends up competing for the limited resources and power only for their own interests.

Lack of Political Representation and Participation: Conflict

Political representation and participation is a crucial element that ensures democratic governance. Many times the governments of developing countries are burdened by too many responsibilities to properly represent people hailing from different socio-economic, cultural and ideological backgrounds. This only creates fragmented identities that strive for individual interests. If the citizenry were united and had effective communication with one another, they would be able to successfully enter into the political sphere as constructive agents. They would be able to stand up to the injustices or exploitations committed by the elite by pressurizing the government to take required actions. However, when this is absent they turn to other means to seek justice, which is usually violent and leads to more problems (Bohara, Mitchel and Nepal). There is a clear shortage of such representation in Nepal which has created the Maoist insurgency and the consequent political deadlock. Foreign forces like the government of India also took advantage of this situation. They have always been interested in the natural resources of Nepal, particularly the rivers to generate electricity. They sheltered the Maoists of Nepal in hopes that in its weakened state Nepal would not be able to stop them from exploiting its resources (Mishra, 2004). As a result we see incredible amounts of power outages in Nepal every day, while much of the electricity generated by Nepali rivers is used to light up Indian homes.

The Facts

•There are over 70 different political parties in Nepal all competing with one another in terms of ideology and government representation.

•There are 24 political parties in the constituent assembly, some hailing from the same ideologies but differing in priorities. Eg. 5 different communist parties: Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist and Leninist), Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist), Communist Party of Nepal (United), Communist Party of Nepal (Unified)

•In 1990 the Absolute Monarchy of Nepal was replaced by a Constitutional Monarchy that remained effective till 2008 when Nepal became a Republic.

•From the period of 1990-1996 Nepal remained a parliamentary monarchy.

•In 1996 Maoist rebels started a violent insurgency that effected 50 of the 75 districts of Nepal. Approximately 11000 lives were lost during the insurgency.

•In 2001 all the members of the Royal Family were massacred under suspicious circumstances. The public were persuaded to believe that the Crown Prince had killed his family because they were against his wish to marry a certain woman. The massacred Kings only surviving brother took the throne under much controversy.

•From 2005 to 2007 King Gyanendra suspended the parliament and enforced martial law arguing that the political parties were incapable of handling the Maoist Armed Conflict. Basic civil liberties such as freedom of press, gatherings in public, etc. were taken away. Telephone lines and access to internet were frequently cut and curfews were put in effect with orders to shoot to kill violators.

•In May 2008 Monarchy was abolished ending the 240 royal rule of Nepal and the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) headed the government by winning the election by landslide.

•The Maoists resigned in 2009 after a tape that showed the then prime-minister and Maoist leader Prachanda talking to his soldiers about how their plans were to just get into mainstream politics in order to take over the country entirely.

•The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) took over the government from hen till present.

•The maoists and other parties have been staging “bandhs” which are basically protests that require all businesses and government offices to close down. These “bandhs” often turn violent if they are violated or different political factions run into one another. In 2009 one part of Nepal or the other remained closed for a ridiculous 298 days out of 365 out doing the 254 from 2008. (The Himalayan Times, April 1^st. 2010)

•There is an average of 16 hour electricity cuts a day.

•The efforts of creating a new constitution till today have not been successful as there is always a few parties that obstruct getting it passed.

Conclusions

The National Identity Crisis faced by the populations of Nepal translate into divided identities that are in constant conflict with one another. Although elections take place in a democratic fashion, rival groups who constantly try to overthrow them see the elected government as illegitimate. Educated unemployed youths fuel this fire with their radical ideologies and actions. A more aware urban population realizing the governments incapacity to meet their needs also add to the disruptive forces against the stability of the government. Consequently, governance becomes ineffective and unstable. This leads to the worsening of the government’s capacity to address and mediate demands and conflicts respectively.

Suggestions

•So instead of putting effort into educating the masses at first, the priority should be to create jobs through strengthening existing industries such as agriculture, textile mills, tourism, etc. When there are enough jobs for the educated youth to keep busy at, it will redirect their radical energy towards other things rather than overthrowing the government.

•Political bureaucracies should be strengthened so that they can successfully meet the demands of the public in an efficient and effective manner. The private sector should also be engaged in the reshaping of the Nation, as competing firms will have more incentives to produce better results (Gerson, 2001).

•People should find incentive to remain in their villages. This can be done by government assistance in the agriculture sector. Agricultural industries should concentrate around villages so that villagers have plenty of employment opportunities and do not find it necessary to migrate to cities where they would otherwise pressurize an infantile government more demands than it can handle.

•Corruption should have severe consequences. The government should work towards the goal of Nation Building as its priority rather than petty power struggles. This will lead to an effective and efficient establishment of political institutions that are capable of winning the trust and support of the public. This is the only way a new National Identity can be established.

Citations:

Anderson, Nels.1959.“Urbanism and Urbanization.” The American Journal of Sociology. 65: i-ix + 1-126

Bohara, Alok K., Neil J. Mitchell and Mani Nepal. “Opportunity, Democracy, and the Exchange of Political Violence: A Subnational Analysis of Conflict in Nepal.” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 50: 108-128.

Cerulo, Karen A. 1997. “Identity Construction: New Issues, New Directions.” Annual Review of Sociology 23: 385-409.

Charon, Joel M. 2010. “Symbolic Interactionalism” Prentice Hall 10: 1-210.

Gerson, Allen. 2001. “Peace Building: The Private Sector’s Role.” The American Journal of International Law 95: 102-119.

Handelman, Howard. 2006. “The Challenge of Third World Development.” Pearson Education 5: 1-314.

Hayes, Louis D. 1975. “The Monarchy and Modernization in Nepal.” Asian Survey 15: 559-644.

Huntington, Samuel P. 2006. “Political Order In Changing Societies.” Yale University Press 3: 1-461.

Joshi, Madhav and T. David Mason. “Land Tenure, Democracy, and Insurgency in Nepal: Peasant Support for Insurgency versus Democracy.” Asian Survey 47: 393-414.

Joshi, Madhav and T. David Mason. 2007. “Land Tenure, Democracy, and Insurgency in Nepal: Peasant Support for Insurgency versus Democracy. Asian Survey 47: 394-414.

Kasarda, John D. and Edward M. Crenshaw. 1991. “Third World Urbanization: Dimensions, Theories, and Determinants.” Annual Review of Sociology 17: 467-501.

Khadka, Narayan. 1986. “Crisis in Nepal’s Partyless Panchayat System: The Case for More Democracy Pacific Affairs 59: 429-454.

Khadka, Narayan. 1993. “Democracy and Development in Nepal: Prospects and Challenges.” Pacific Affairs 66: 44-71.

Khadka, Narayan. 1995. “Factionalism in the Communist Movement in Nepal.” Pacific Affairs 68: 55-76.

Levine, Nancy E. 1987. “Caste, State, and Ethnic Boundaries in Nepal.” The Journal of Asian Studies 46: 71-88.

Levine, Nancy E. 1987. “Caste, State, and Ethnic Boundaries in Nepal.” The Journal of Asian Studies 46: 71-88.

Mishra, Rabindra. 2004. “India’s Role in Nepal’s Maoist Insurgency.” Asian Survey 44: 627-646.

Roberts, Bryan R.1989.” Urbanization, Migration, and Development.” Sociological Forum, Special Issue: Comparative National Development: Theory and Facts for the 1990s. 4: 475-700

Shrestha, Nanda R. 1989. “Frontier Settlement and Landlessness among Hill Migrants in Nepal Tarai.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 79: i-iv + 329-487.

Tsutsui, Kiyoteru. 2004.“Global Civil Society and Ethnic Social Movements in the Contemporary World.” Sociological Forum 19: 63-87.

Wiarda, Howard J. 1999. “Non-Western Theories of Development.” Harcourt Brace & Company 1-149.

Wuthnow, Robert. 2005. “Democratic Renewal and Cultural Inertia: Why Our Best Efforts Fall Short.” Sociological Forum 20: 343-367.

Intellectual Biography on Samuel P. Huntington

Samuel Huntington was an American Political Scientist who widely gained popularity for his examination of the relationship between the civil government and the military, factors effecting government stability in third world countries, and his thesis that the most prominent political processes of the 21^st. century would involve “cultural civilizations” instead of nation-states. His books were all surrounded by controversy, as was his academic and intellectual life. There were people who loved him and there were people who hated him. However, his intellectual contributions have had a profound impact on US as well as international domestic and foreign policies. His last book, Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity, published in 2004 analyses the threats to America based on modern day immigration practices. Amidst much controversy and criticism, he claims that the biggest threat to the United States comes from the massive influx of Latinos, which Huntington warns, could “divide the United States into two peoples, two cultures, and two languages”. He has been accused of being xenophobic as well as racist in making these assertions that claim.

Huntington was born on April 18 1927 in New York City. At the age of 18 he graduated with distinction from Yale University and went on to serve in the US Army. He received his Master’s degree from the University of Chicago and his doctorate from Harvard where he began teaching at the age of 23. He also was a member of Harvard’s department of government from 1950 till he was denied tenure in 1959. From 1959 to 1962 he was an associate professor of government at Columbia University where he also served as the Deputy Director of The Institute of War and peace Studies. In 1963 Huntington was invited back to Harvard with tenure where he remained until his death in December 24 2008 at the age of 81. He also co-founded Foreign Policy, a bi-monthly magazine with Warren Demian Manshel. In total he authored or co-authored about 17 books that dealt with issues such as government stability, national identity, the process of democratization, problems faced by third world countries in their pursuit of independence and development and many other topics. He was Vice President Hubert Humphrey’s foreign policy advisor during his 1968 presidential campaign and also served in the Carter Administration as Coordinator of Security Planning on the National Security Council from 1977 to 1978.

The first book that brought Huntington recognition as well as notoriety was The Clash of Civilizations, which was published in 1996. In this book he offered a perspective that shifted from the commonly accepted traditional reasons for cohesion or conflict in the world that were usually associated with ideology. Instead he suggested that we look to religious and cultural value. In fact, he suggested that most post Cold War conflicts would become cultural wars instead of wars between separate states. He points out that if the industrialized West wishes to retain its predominant position in the world it would have to keep this factor in mind. Many critics of Huntington suggested that his book legitimized US led aggression towards China and Islam, particularly Iraq. However, these critics fail to acknowledge that Saddam Hussein was indeed a ruthless dictator that many Islamic people did not support. Also critics fail to acknowledge Huntington’ s stance against the US decision to go to war. His book actually prophesized the failures and tragedies that eventually unfolded. Through his book he painted the picture of 21^st. century conflict. It was going to be based along the cultural lines. From a totally pure social scientific stand point Huntington provides an unbiased theory. Thus it can be argued that it was not his agenda to instigate war. He was just laying out the facts and stating the obvious. It was other people who made the decision to go to war.

Political Order in Changing Societies, which was published in 1968, is another one of his controversial and highly disputed books. Huntington was said to have “had a knack for asking the crucially important but often inconvenient question”. The Economist went as far as to dub him “the butcher of sacred cows”. In this book he challenges traditional development theorists who just pushed for Democracy and Freedom claiming that modernization would automatically lead to economic as well as political development as it did for the industrialized west, specially the US. Huntington disagrees. He emphasizes on the necessity to have efficient institutionalization of bureaucracies before promoting social mobility. Massive migration into cities works towards creating a heterogeneous society with people hailing from different ethnic, religious and socio-economic groups. People take advantage of better education systems in the cities and become aware of their position in the social hierarchy. They begin to question their respective standings in society and in the work force. They become aware of the inequalities and strive for reform. However, this is contrary to the interests of people who are at a higher step in the socio-economic ladder and hold more power. Therefore, a class struggle erupts where the marginalized struggle for equality and the better off try to maintain the status quo. Huntington (1993) points out that urbanization along with education, exposure to mass media and consumer products creates a more politically aware and mobilized society that make bigger demands on the government. However, because the political structures in Third World countries are usually still in their infancy, they are less efficient and less effective while dealing with and addressing the tidal wave of demands being made by a very divided populace. They usually fail to address a majority of demands and resolve a majority of differences. When disputes cannot be settled peacefully through government mediation, people tend to take things into their own hands. More often than not, their resolve tactics turn violent and act as further discordant forces among the people. Thus, most political and social planning and discourse are brought to a halt and all resources and energy are directed towards thwarting the threat of civil unrest. The faster the enlightenment of the population, the more frequent the overthrow of the government” (Huntington 1996:47). The problem here lies in the fact that an educated and aware population needs satisfying and well paying jobs. If they remain unemployed they become insurgent and enter into the political arena as de-stabilizing agents questioning the legitimacy and effectiveness of government. In order to solve this problem it is necessary for third world countries to shift their priority from educating their public to creating industries first. In doing so there will be plenty of jobs available for the educated youth, where they can successfully utilize what they have learnt and not enter politics as radical forces.

Another very important book Huntington wrote was The Third Wave in which he examines similar issues but focusing on what kind of regime is more appropriate for countries with different situations. This book too was of course was met with a lot of controversy. Huntington prescribes authoritarian rule during early stages of government and bureaucratic development in order to prevent the problems associated with too much mobility to arise. He was often criticized as being a supporter of dictatorship and communism. However, he merely claims that in the process of development government stability is the most crucial step. Third world countries in general lack inclusive and representative governments. Usually having displaced an older establishment of monarchy, colonialism or some other form of exploiting regime, these countries remain wary of governments that follow. So his argument is that Multi-party Democratic politics target and recruit from specific groups of an already divided population. The existing divide deepens as each party emphasizes their own respective interests while neglecting to acknowledge National Interests. So instead, people search for identities based on socio-economic class, ethnicity, religion, demography, being the historical oppressor or the historically oppressed, etc., but not on a collective national one. He points out that Democracy produces desirable outcomes only after certain criteria are met: A united population that has transcended petty differences, has acquired national identity specifying common interests and is properly represented in a government that is considered legitimate and reliable where people are willing to accept and implement policies once they are passed even if they disagree with its contents, for the sake of National Interests. These precursors help to prevent infestation from political parties that are driven by self-interest by relying on the people’s solidarity. Similarly, the danger of cyclical stalemates that has potential to emerge among rival parties is thwarted through legitimizing government decisions as final, and enforcing it by the people’s National Interests. Lastly, when people feel well represented by their governments, political participation separate from narrow party affiliations increases. In other words, the government can truly be “for the people, by the people”, and not just status, power-and certainly not inherited rights for those who hold on to the demented idea of entitlement because it runs in their blood. On the other hand, Democracy without fundamental conditions that make it ‘work’ is just another word for Anarchy. On it’s own it acts as a catalyst for reinforced division, which ultimately begets conflict, bloody conflict. Huntington thus claims that government stability should precede democracy and seeing what I have seen in countries like Nepal and Cambodia I must say I agree with him.

His latest and last book that was published in 204Who Are We: The Challenges to America’s National Identity could possible the most controversial of his books. Drawing from the relationships established between identity, government stability and development in third world countries, he claims that the “American Identity” is at threat from a massive Latino immigration into the United States. Huntington argues that the biggest threat to America’s future is not radical Islamists but rather a growing number of Latinos. He says that immigrants who come to the United States from everywhere apart from Latin American countries infuse themselves into the American Identity. They pick up the customs, language and try to fit into the established society. Huntington claims that in the case of Latinos especially illegal immigrants that is not the case. His logic is that the proximity of Latino Immigrants homeland stops them from embracing the United States as their own. They retain their customs, their language and behavior in the belief that they are in the United States only temporarily and are going back to their own home. This, Huntington says is the biggest threat to the future of America. He claims that there the nation will be divided into two groups like during the civil war. Of course immigration reform could eliminate this potential danger. Due to strict immigration procedures many Latinos do not develop a bond with the United States solely because they are treated like they aren’t wanted here. That could easily be changed by reforming immigration.

Although I might not agree with everything Huntington has to say, I do believe that he sheds light on a number of topics most people would try to avoid. I think he comes really close to the pure scientific ideal that social sciences try to achieve. It also illuminates the danger of such pure scientific knowledge as his theory being used to legitimize wars. But the necessity of stability in government is real in developing countries. In the pursuit of remaining democratic in only letters, I have seen Nepal deteriorate over the years. Worse than it ever was. In the United States t we see a divided population on Immigration based on cultural reasons. We see the country divided in its support towards the president. It seems like it is based on Ideological differences. I disagree. I think it is based on very cultural (racial) differences. Today’s wars aren’t based on ideological differences. Israel and Palestine: cultural, The US and Afghanistan: cultural. Take a look at potential conflict as well. Iran and the US: cultural. The only ideological conflict that exists is probably with North Korea where the lines between ideology and culture have been blurred anyway. Their ideology has become their culture. Similarly, if we look at alliances we see culture as well. Mass consumption cultures befriend other mass consumption or mass production cultures. The conflicts that arise in these processes are between not two nations defending separate ideologies, it between two cultures: one of affluence and the other of poverty. The realization and consolidation of our differences will require much more to do with culture. The word Culture itself should not be taken in a limited way either. We should be able to collapse and expand the word when needed. After all we are post modernists and nothing really matters anyway. We just do this because we have nothing else to do!

On Du Bois' "Black Reconstruction and the Racial Wage"

“Black Reconstruction and the Racial Wage” by W. E. B Du Bois is a powerful social commentary that explores ‘racism’ as a deliberate tactic implemented by the Industrial North to prevent a unified proletariat uprising in the United States. While Du Bois bases his arguments on Marxist ideologies, he expands on them by adding a factor that Marx failed to acknowledge during his time, ‘race’. So instead of ‘racism’ being an arbitrary, thoughtless, evil construct born from the minds of egotistical ‘whites’, Du Bois argues that it was a well thought out economic move by the capitalistic Industrial North. Thus, the evils of ‘racism’ that has usually been associated with ‘white folk’ in general is instead shifted towards a smaller group of capitalists, still ‘white folk’ nonetheless.

According to Marx, in order for a successful proletariat movement to occur the following pre-requisites were to have been satisfied:

a. The proletariat was united.

b. They shared a common exploiter.

c. They shared a common sentiment towards their exploitation.

d. They wanted things to change.

In the context of the United States at that period of time, Du Bois argues that while the working class (both blacks and whites) did indeed share a common exploiter (the industrial capitalist North) and did indeed wanted change that would make things better for them, they were divided amongst themselves on the basis of race, making it impossible for a successful labor movement to take place. Instead of directing their detest towards the common oppressor they directed it towards each other on the grounds of race. This leads Du Bois to state that “… the theory of race was supplemented by a carefully planned and slowly evolved method, which drove such a wedge between the white and black workers that there probably are not today in the world two groups of workers with practically identical interests who hate and fear each other so deeply and persistently and who are kept so far apart that neither sees anything of common interest.”

The Northern Industries were well aware of the potential dangers a united workers revolt could bring about that would undoubtedly hinder their interests in efficiency and profit. In accordance to the economic principle of efficiency through which output is maximized while minimizing input, their objective was to keep wages for the white workers low, and the wages for the Black workers lower. If these two groups were somehow to unite they could potentially halt the process of production until their demands of higher wages, better benefits, etc. were met. This was a perceived potential threat that the Northern Industries countered by fueling fires of ‘racial’ discontent. On the pre-existing grounds of historical differences between these two races they added another element to secure their aversion to each other. Du Bois says that they “compensated the low wage earning whites with a sort of public and psychological wage. They were given public deference and titles of courtesy because they were white” in contrast to Blacks who only had the history of oppression under their name. Furthermore, even poor whites were allowed to mingle as equals with whites of higher classes creating a sense of ‘public facility’ that added to their sense if entitlement of belonging to a ‘superior race’. So while the whites, poor or rich were put upon a pedestal of respect, the blacks were treated as second-class citizens. They were instead ostracized and given minimal opportunities that left them with fewer means to succeed. Even the so-called neutral media had “newspapers specialized on news that flattered the poor whites and almost utterly ignored the Negro except in crime and ridicule”. Somehow that sounds awfully familiar.

Thus, when dissatisfaction did eventually arise with their low wages, the whites wasted no time turning towards the Blacks to blame for their misfortunes. The White Man saw the Black Man entering the labor force as a direct threat to the menial wage he was earning. While, proletariat movements are usually directed towards the oppressor, this divided ‘proletariat movement’ was directed towards one another forever eliminating the possibility of a successful workers revolt in the United States that would have benefited both races. This of course was what the Northern Industries had anticipated. They successfully attained their goal of keeping costs low and maximizing output. As Du Bois points out, “The result of this was that the wages of bother the classes could be kept low, the whites fearing to be supplanted by Negro labor, the Negro always being threatened by the substitution of white labor.”

Du Bois emphasizes on the fact that there have been numerous attempts to make these struggles look like they were racially driven, but in reality he argues, everything that happened was purely for economic reasons. The racial struggles and conflicts according to Du Bois had nothing to do with race in reality at all. It was “just people trying to secure a living wage” in the face of a masterfully constructed fake racial environment.

This is a very sad reminder of the sacrifices many innocent people have had to make with their lives and their well-being for the sake of a few on their crusade for profit maximization. Similar trends can be seen germinating around us today escaping our sight as they too are masterfully intertwined within the numerous networks of social problems that offer to act as scape-goats. The mother of all problems however camouflages itself on the walls of complex structures and personalities totally evading our grasp while we debate on its effects and not the source. “It is what it is…” and as Du Bois said, “ ‘It’ was a triumph of men who in their effort to replace equality with caste and to build inordinate wealth on a foundation of abject poverty have succeeded in killing democracy, art and religion.”

The Darker Side of Paradise

The imprisoned child in Ursula K. Le Guin’s “The Ones Who Walk Away from Omelas” and the tradition of stoning to death a person every year on the basis of a random draw in Shirley Jackson’s “The Lottery” both hold symbolic meanings pertaining to the extent of cruelty and indifference humans would be willing to inflict upon another in order to preserve their “happiness” or accustomed way of life. Le Guin relies upon the symbolic character of the captive child who in its suffering inspires solidarity and well being among the people of Omelas. Jackson on the other hand makes use of the symbolic act of stoning a random person every year based on a lottery in the belief that it would bring more crop as a mockery of outdated and unsubstantiated beliefs and practices that some people still uphold in the name of tradition. While the two authors differ in the spatial and sequential settings of their stories, they unite in the fact that they both come up with accurate social commentaries that hold as much legitimacy now, as they did back when they were written.

The citizens of Omelas were cultured, happy and guilt free. They were everything we would like to be. “They did not use swords, or keep slaves” (Le Guin, 232), thus they were peaceful and equal an almost utopian goal for our world to even imagine let alone reach. Also if that weren’t enough, they had a non-addictive hallucinogenic drug called “drooz” and beautiful nude priests/priestesses walking around readily available to any willing indulger. However, the secret behind their perfect lives is the suffering of a young boy who they had confined and left to drown in his own excreta. The child here symbolizes suffering in the world. Like the people of Omelas who have “come to see it” or have “remained content merely to know it is there” we too have seen or are aware of the suffering around us. Third world countries are exploited for their resources and labor so that Wal-mart can sell us cheap goods. However, like the people of Omelas, we too would be abandoning happiness acquired through consumption if we tried to bring out the exploited countries “into the sunlight” (Le Guin, 235). The improvement in the conditions of these countries would mean to forsake cheap commodities, which would mean sacrificing the consumption driven happiness that is so prominent in today’s world, “that would be to let guilt within the walls indeed” (Le Guin, 235).

On the other hand, “The Lottery” portrays a society very much like our own. The children gather stones, the men chat about “planting and rain, tractors and taxes” (Jackson, 238) very much like we would. The mysterious black box and the lottery in the story could symbolize a variety of things in our society. The box’s opaqueness and the randomness of the lottery could be representing the justice system that creates laws determining who can or cannot be a part of society. Or it could just be representing our sheer distaste of change in the face of inertia of habit as Old Man Warner says, “There’s always been a lottery” (Jackson, 241). It could also be merely a human tendency to seek out external suffering in order to preserve our own well being like the people of Omelas. The discomfort towards change is apparent in the refusal of even replacing the “shabby”, “splintered” box. It almost serves as a symbol of unity for the villagers, maybe even a source of identity.

So we see that the people of Omelas, so much more advanced than us as a society, yet still prey to the reliance upon somebody else’s suffering for their own well being. The child’s suffering invokes a multitude of emotions in the youthful voyeurs, even emotions of “anger, outrage, impotence” (Le Guin, 235). But gradually most of them come to terms with the necessity of the child’s suffering as something that is needed for them to realize that they too are not free, but must choose to by happy. But if they know that much why does it still need to continue? Its habit again, and change is always very uncomfortable. The way they convince themselves of the child’s fate by reasoning that because it has been in confinement so long that “it would not get much good of its freedom” and that “it is too degraded and imbecile to know any real joy” (Le Guin, 235), is very similar to how we would possibly convince ourselves of the suffering going around the world so that we can go about our daily lives. If we carry the burden of the world on our shoulders it becomes impossible to get anything done. However, the ones who walk away from Omelas symbolize, the out casts of our society. The drunks, the junkies, the hippies and so forth that don’t like what they see, are aware that they cant change anything, and thus just decide to get as far away as they can.

While the people of Omelas still have an explanation to the confinement and torture of the child, the people of the village have lost track of the context and reasons behind the ritual of the lottery. One old man claims that the “Lottery in June, corn be heavy soon.” However, it is mentioned that many of the customs involving the lottery has been changed or completely lost over time. For example people remembered that there used to be a chant that was performed before the ritual, which wasn’t anymore. Similarly, the wooden tokens were replaced by pieces of paper for the lottery. However, as support to my argument that this symbolizes peoples inherent need to externalize suffering for their own well being is the fact that “Although the villagers had forgotten the ritual and lost the original black box, they still remembered to use stones (Jackson, 244). People adapt things that serve to their interest. It seems like misfortunes such as catastrophes, wars, famines, etc. are events that unify people. The existence of the lottery as well as the existence of the boy serves to divert the peoples discontent, anger and intolerance of one another towards an externalized entity that keeps society turning in on itself and imploding.

Its almost like saying we need to be capable of committing evil acts in order to embrace goodness. Life without any difficulties would be dull. If Omelas were heaven, its citizenry would its doors if they were to be locked within and would look for a wall to jump over immediately. So instead they imprisoned a helpless child in the vilest of conditions they could, so that they could be reminded of how better off they were and thus be satisfied. If all conflicts were resolved, if everyone was satisfied and the world became a bowl of utopian soup, we’d become soggy pieces of toast; tasteless and ruined. The conflicts and unsatisfied longings give us reason to live, to act, to achieve… minus them and all that’d remain is boredom. What meaning would love retain if it were so easily accomplished? A visit to the nearest whorehouse would be sufficient. It’s interesting to note how people complain about the very things that give meaning to their lives. Pain confirms existence.

"The Wisdom of Whores"

Elizabeth Pisani’s The Wisdom of Whores is an unsettling glimpse into a world full of “hookers”, “junkies”, “gays” and “trannys”, where the vilest of them all are the silk suited, air-plane hopping, number punching, self righteous research consultants and their mother organizations that have capitalized on the booming “AIDS Industry”, pocketing much of the funding for their invaluable services of not coming up with accurate data, of not curbing the rates of newer infections and of not being able to provide care for the already infected. She lays out the harsh facts about organized mal-practice and mis-information like a “butcher with satin gloves on”.

The eternal shortage of funding for AIDS is in most part due to the bottomless pockets of those involved in working towards its alleviation. The reality is that even a portion of all that wasted money is sufficient to make a critical change and provide care for the needy. The tragedy is that AIDS has become too profitable for anyone, apart from the infected and a few others, to really want to eradicate. The same principles of profit that deny Universal Health Care, equal land ownership, etc. are responsible for the ineffective and down right indifference towards complete alleviation of AIDS.

I could not resist contemplating on the “AIDS scene” of Nepal while reading The Wisdom of Whores. Like most third world countries, Nepal too has an army of International Non-Government Organizations (INGOs) like the UN, WHO, ILO, etc. that seem to have set up permanent base in the context of battling AIDS. Many of my friends who have recently graduated with degrees in Development Studies, Social Work and Sociology try to get into these organizations. For them, it is a place to be compensated for their hard earned degrees, and at the same time feel legitimate for contributing to society. That fine line between Public and Academic Sociology exists within other disciplines as well. Do we use our knowledge for sheer academic and theoretical purposes or do we act upon what we know, even if it means less compensation and a lot more effort? It is no wonder most people choose the easiest way to go about things. In today’s world we’re all economists who carefully weigh our opportunity costs before making any decisions. Same goes with our professions. We choose whichever one is the most beneficial to us, rather than to our cause. There are only a few people like Pisani who make unpopular choices of sticking to their cause by transcending personal benefits. It was really interesting for me to see a vivid and concrete example of Academic Vs. Public Sociology, in Pisani’s transition from one to the other.

Another aspect of the book that really struck me was how we as professionals so often take data as mere statistics. We forget that the statistic actually represents a person. I agree that it helps us remain value free and emotionally detached but at what cost? We fail to acknowledge that lifeless statistic as a human in a unique social circumstance. In doing so, we ignore the different realities of people in specific space and time contexts. Pisani uses Faud to illustrate this point very effectively. While Faud would be seen as nothing more than a statistic according to conventional data analysis, in reality he is a complicated being with a number of behavioral patterns that can be labeled or not, according to the culture he hails from. He considers himself a straight man that has an active sex life with his “decent” girlfriend who is a prostitute, gives blow jobs to other men strictly for monetary reasons, while occasionally getting a blow job from a ‘wari’ (transgender person) to reinforce his masculinity. Strictly as a statistic, Faud would appear to have a unidimensional character with linear relationships with other statistics. However, Faud as an individual is a multidimensional character that has reciprocal relationships with his prostitute girlfriend and the other people he has sexual relationships with. Pisani points out that using people as just statistics contributes to the inaccuracy of a study because it fails to take into consideration a variety of factors that are essential to our proper understanding of whats really going on. The networks of human relationships cannot be studied through only numbers, we need to study the choices, behavioral patterns, likes/dislikes, etc. of people. The task might be too monumental to have a thorough study of every individual but at least we can vary our research according to cultural and recurring trends in specific areas.

Indonesia like most other Asian countries is in a transition towards modernization while still retaining many of its traditional value and belief systems. On the one hand it strives towards numerous modern aspirations such as Freedom in Sexuality and Expression while on the other it still treats these topics as Taboo. Because of the dialectical nature of this transitory phase it is extremely difficult to introduce new preventive strategies such as “abstinence” and condom use to effectively curb the spread of HIV infections. Traditional sentiments towards sex remain deeply rooted in the minds of its people. In itself that is not a bad thing. However these sentiments developed over a period of time during which the risk of contracting HIV was absent. In the present context, that risk is astronomically high. Thus, the necessity to “tweak” traditional sentiments towards sex in order to grapple with the imminent dangers of HIV infections is very crucial. The most effective way to do this is through education and creating awareness. As Pisani observed at Rawa Malang, a major red-light area near Jakarta, medical stores advertised a galaxy of “sexual enhancement” drugs but “not a condom to be seen”. In the absence of awareness, even free condom distribution will be met with indifference and remain ineffective.

Before we come to the conclusion that “Sex Education” therefore should be included into the school curricula and that would promote “safer sex” practices which would then lead to a decrease in newer HIV infections and thus inhibit its spread, we need to consider who are most susceptible to HIV in the society. Usually, its those who don’t go to school or cant afford to go to school. Since trying to provide equal access to education for all is tackling another “Social Problem”, we will leave it as it is for now. However, identifying the interests and general haunts of these “at risk” uneducated groups allows us to infuse messages of awareness into things they are most likely to come across in their daily routines. For example, going to the cinema is a major recreational activity for most underprivileged people, especially in Third World Countries due to the fact that many of them do not have TVs at home. Hence, if messages emphasizing on what AIDS is, its effects, the risks of having unprotected sex, and the importance of condom use are shown to the audiences before a movie starts it would get through to a large number of people. If that would be too taboo, then incorporating messages about AIDS or basing the storyline around someone infected with AIDS in the movie itself would be highly effective too. Other methods through which awareness can be spread could be Billboard Signs, Posters, Health Workshops in specific areas and street theatres.

While Religion can play a great role in promoting abstinence, it is difficult to rely on in a country like Indonesia that has multitude of ethnic and religious groups. However, if all the leaders of the major religions of that country got together and decided to incorporate awareness activities in their Churches, Mosques and Temples, then I think it’d be highly effective. Unfortunately, religious intolerance and violence remain pervasive, and putting to much “faith” in religion to solve these social problems might deem too optimistic. The struggle is not really to create a perfect world; it already is perfect in its essence and place in the universe. The struggle is to promote wellbeing to its inhabitants. And unless that becomes our genuine collective priority, our “calling”; well-being will be limited, and like all limited things with high demand it will come with a very expensive price tag. The solution is really a very simple one: we all need to work together for each other’s well being because in doing so we will be guaranteeing our own.

All in all, this is an extremely insightful book not just into the world of AIDS but also into the role of the scholar. The eternal debate between Academic and Public Sociology reverberates throughout this book like a giant Chinese gong. Statistic or human? Profit or well-being? Academic or Public?

Mass Hysteria?

My study is based on the information I gathered from a leading Nepali newspaper called the Kathmandu Post. It revolves around an article dating back to the 1^st. of August 2003, titled, “Mystery Disease claims 150; around 4000 affected”. The newspaper published two other follow-ups on this story on the 11^th. of August; where it mentioned 50 more deaths, and the 8^th. of September, where it claimed that the authorities had concluded that the deaths and ailments were a result of mass hysteria. However, no evidence or explanation on how they had reached that prognosis was given.

The disease suddenly made it’s first appearance in a remote village in the far western region of Nepal. Most of the people infected were school children. It is explained that the afflicted person would develop flu like symptoms such as fever, head-aches, loss of appetite, joint aches, etc. that would in severe cases lead to death. Local medical authorities were not able to come up with a plausible diagnosis. Even an investigative team sent from the capital, Kathmandu, were baffled by the unexplainable ailment and hence dubbed it mass hysteria. This elusive disease had claimed more than 200 peoples lives and had affected more than 5000 people by the 8^th. of September 2003 when it disappeared as mysteriously as it had appeared. In the absence of any other definite explanation, people seemed to accept the ‘mass hysteria’ hypothesis and it was soon pushed to the back of everyone’s mind.

As I went through every issue of the daily newspaper spanning an entire month, I could not help but notice some other occurrences that seemed to run parallel to the surfacing of this ‘mystery disease’. They were:

1. The country was going through a full-fledged civil war. The rebel groups used the forests as a hideout and would often travel through villages to get somewhere else. These traveling rebels probably brought with them germs and diseases from their shabby barracks in the Jungle and passed them down to the villagers through even minimal contact. The rebels were known to have stayed overnight at people’s houses on some instances.

2. Massive flooding was taking place in other parts of the country due to heavy monsoon rainfall. Seventy five percent of Nepal’s terrain is hilly or mountainous. Because of the heavy rainfall landslides in nearby areas were destroying houses and killing people. At the same time due to poor drainage systems and crisis control skills, numerous pools of stagnant water were forming, leading to a rise in number of mosquitoes. A number of malaria cases were reported. At the same time the flooding and landslides led to the destruction of sanitation facilities. In the absence of clean drinking water an alarming outbreak of cholera and typhoid occurred killing thousands in these affected areas.

3. The government was incapable of providing the essential aid to these disaster struck areas for a number of reasons. First and foremost was the countries extreme topography. The winding roads over hills and mountains will slow down any aid worker. Airstrips are completely absent in some areas due inadequate space for runways. The only way to get there would be to either walk or by helicopter. With only a few helicopters at the government’s disposal and a war going on at the same time, the priorities the government took are pretty evident. Further more, even a properly organized group was not sent to the village to pry into the ‘mystery disease’ incident. A handful of people whose professional backgrounds are still not known were sent and they concluded that it was mass hysteria and no further investigation took place. When questioned why the kids were more susceptible to the hysteria than adults, they replied that since children’s minds were more imaginative they were more likely to fall prey to hysteria. I was appalled by the fact that they did not even entertain the idea that schoolchildren come in contact with more people and hence it could have been a result of some sort of communicable disease. Another reason the government could not provide sufficient relief efforts was because of its sheer unwillingness to do so. Corrupt officials who would go to any lengths to make money plagued the government in those days. Some may have even made money off of what was allocated for the disaster victims.

4. Last but not least, we did not have people questioning what we were being told. There are plenty of educated people and active youths who usually swarm to common themed issues like helping out orphanages, women’s rights, etc. It is not my intention to imply that these are any less important. However, when a mysterious disease wipes out more than 200 people and affects 5000 I would expect more questions from people who know better, myself included. I remember hearing about it at that time as well. I was intrigued by the fact that hysteria could lead to so many fatalities but apart from that I did nothing; I didn’t know any better.

In conclusion I would like to accentuate on the fact that medicine, as a social institution is not isolated from other crucial elements of society such as education, good governance, technological progress, environment, transportation facilities, journalism, etc. The overall coordination and communication between the above-mentioned elements, is crucial in enabling us to draw effective and truthful conclusions. In the absence of such conditions we see the cacophonic distortion of information leading us to answers that are far from the truth. Thus, medicine as a science alone, cannot progress without the support and consistency of numerous other social factors. Just as a vehicle needs all four wheels turning in the same direction to move forward, medicine too needs all its social tributaries pointing in the same direction to succeed.